Secretary-General, dear Stefano,
Ambassadors,
Dear Heads of Representation,
Heads of Mission,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is such a pleasure, finally, to be with you in person again. This year, as I was able to travel to some of your countries, I have had the opportunity to witness firsthand the excellent work you are doing on the ground. You are bringing Europe to the world, and I want to thank you for your dedication and the hard work in these difficult times.
Some of these visits will be etched in my memory forever. One of them was my first trip to Ukraine in April. I am sure Matti remembers it very well, too. When we arrived in Bucha, Russian soldiers had just left. Body bags were lined up. Mass graves were discovered right next to a church. It is a horror I will never forget. But when I went back to Kyiv in June, and in September, I saw a country that is eager to take its life back. Roads and bridges have been repaired. Shops and offices have reopened. This tells me one thing: Even if Russian missiles are now falling once again on Ukraine’s cities, they will not break the Ukrainians’ spirit. Look at what happened on Monday morning in the metro stations of Kyiv. Thousands of people took shelter underground – and they started to sing. Songs of hope, songs of pride, songs that tell the Russians: We are not afraid. We, the European Union, must keep supporting Ukraine through thick and thin, for as long as it takes. Just like we have done since February. Our response to the invasion has surprised Putin and the world. We put together the first sanctions in a matter of days. Followed by eight consecutive sanctions packages to leave no stone unturned. The latest package in response to the sham referenda in occupied Ukrainian territories. We have supported Ukraine with funds summing up to EUR 19 billion, with weapons and with the strongest political backing. We have given full and immediate temporary protection to Ukrainian refugees; access to the labour market, healthcare and schools. Citizens have opened their hearts and their homes to them. We have enabled solidarity lanes so that Ukrainian farmers can keep feeding the world. 60% of Ukrainian grain leaves the country via our lanes. We are restoring schools and coleading the reconstruction effort. And we have granted – enthusiastically – candidate status to Ukraine, I think we can take pride in this. It shows how much our Union can achieve with unity and determination. And we must stay the course, especially now, as the war enters a new phase.
The illegal annexation of four Ukrainian regions by Russia brings the challenge against the international system to a new level. Putin has taken sovereign Ukrainian land with an unprovoked act of aggression. He has forced people to vote at gunpoint. And he has even threatened to use nuclear weapons if Ukrainians reclaim the land that belongs to them. This is worrying not only for Russia’s neighbours. This is an attack against the entire UN Charter. Putin even asked, in his speech on annexation: ‘Who did ever agree on the rules-based global order?’ Well, the Russians certainly did. They did when they signed the UN Charter, just like all other nations of the world, and when they negotiated the Helsinki Final Act. The rules-based global order belongs to the world. It is the best antidote against perpetual instability in all continents. And all nations in the world see this. Even some of Russia’s closest allies are questioning Putin’s war of choice and refusing to recognise his sham referenda. The Samarkand Summit, where China and India have clearly voiced concerns about the war, was a fiasco for Russia.
But there is no room for complacency about this. Russia’s failure alone will not save the rules-based global order. Because the Kremlin’s revisionism is not the only nor the most serious threat to the rules-based order. The no-limits friendship declared by Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping is also a clear challenge to the post-war order, built on the core values of the UN Charter. Of course, we are observing carefully the aftermath of the 20th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party to see any changes to China’s international posture. Independent of this, we need to counter this global challenge, we must rebuild trust in our global rules and the universal values at their heart. And we all know that this is no easy task. I was at the United Nations last month, and I have listened to the concerns of countries from all over the world – just like you all do in your daily job. Many countries feel that the global economy and the international system do not work for them. Some have even fallen for Russia’s propaganda trying to deflect blame for the causes of the energy and food crises. Therefore, all of us in this room must speak up and stand up for the truth. I know that you are tirelessly doing just this. And I thank you for that.
I believe Europe must always speak up for the values we believe in, and support everyone who is fighting for these values. For instance, the brave Iranian women who demand freedom and equality. A young woman was killed by the so-called morality police. Thousands of peaceful protesters are being beaten or detained – men and women, lawyers and journalists, activists and ordinary citizens. It is a cry of equality and women’s rights. And our message must be crystal-clear: We must call for the violence to stop. Women must be able to choose. And we must hold those accountable that are responsible for the repression of women. I believe now is the time to sanction those responsible. The shocking violence inflicted on the Iranian people cannot stay unanswered. But there is more.
In these times of transformation and turmoil, Europe must engage even more on the global stage. We must consolidate our capacity to protect our values. We must reach out to all countries, from like-minded democracies to others who may share some of our interests on specific issues. So today, I would like to draw some lessons on how we can engage with different partners. First of all, with like-minded democracies. Second, with future members of our Union. Third, with our wider neighbourhood. And finally, with countries all across the world, as a means to promote our interests and to advance our values on the global stage.
Let me begin with like-minded partners. Never before have I experienced such an intense cooperation with the White House as I did this year. It is a cooperation we have built since the start of President Biden’s mandate, when we managed to find a solution to long-standing issues such as steel tariffs, the Airbus-Boeing dispute and securing data flows. And our cooperation got even stronger in the run-up to Russia’s invasion. I was in Washington in November, as tensions started to rise at our Eastern borders. We saw the growing threat and we confirmed our support to Ukraine’s independence and territorial integrity. So when Russia invaded Ukraine, we were ready. We coordinated our sanctions, round after round. We stepped up our energy cooperation. This made it possible to diversify away from Russian fossil fuels. And now, the transatlantic bond is stronger than ever at a crucial time for Europe. This is not only about our friends in the United States but about all our like-minded partners. This core of like-minded democracies share our values and our outlook on the world. They are our most natural partners, on all the most pressing issues of our times.
Let me mention three of these issues. First, on energy. Russia keeps using its fossil fuels as a weapon against us. And like-minded partners like the US and Norway are helping us break free from our dangerous dependency. At the beginning of the war, we imported 41% of our gas from Russia. Today, the share of Russian pipeline gas is down to 7.5% – in less than eight months. Now we need to work even more closely with these partners to calm down the price of gas imports. For instance, we have already started talks with Norway. These deals can be beneficial for both sides. Our partners have an interest to secure long-term contracts with the largest market on Earth and to invest in renewables. And we have an interest to curb the crazy peaks in energy prices, while transforming to renewables. There is a lot of common ground. Second example: international investment. The US and other partners share our value-based approach to infrastructure investment. We have the same goals: for instance, to speed up the transition to clean energy, or to strengthen healthcare in developing countries. So why do we not team up with them, on joint projects, and complementary investment? This is why President Biden and I are convening a Leaders’ Summit, to push forward a value-based investment agenda for the world. I will come back to that – Global Gateway – later. Third example: raw materials. Lithium or rare earth metals are vital to our green and digital transition. No wind turbine, no solar panel without these raw materials. The demand will exponentially increase. That is good news – because this proves that the green transition is progressing. The not so good news is – one country dominates the global market. That is China. In addition, these resources should always be extracted in a responsible way, both for the environment and for local communities. So part of the solution is to step up our cooperation with like-minded partners like Canada, like Chile or like Australia. Together we can both secure the resources we need and promote a value-based approach to the extraction of raw materials. We must mobilise our collective power to shape global goods and the world of tomorrow.
My second point is about future members of our Union. A year ago, I visited the Western Balkans. It was so obvious that our opponents look at the Balkans as a geopolitical chessboard. Their goal is to drive a wedge between the Western Balkans and the rest of Europe. And yet, the overwhelming majority of citizens in the Western Balkans aspires to be part of our Union. That is why we must strengthen the credibility of our accession process. This year, the opening of the accession process and negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia was a true milestone. But it was tough – to say the least – to get there. We must make sure that every positive step a country takes brings it closer to the European Union. And in parallel, we must push the integration of our economies even further. One year ago, I walked on an EU-funded bridge connecting Croatia with Bosnia and Herzegovina. And I saw railway projects, schools and hospitals that we are financing all across the region. This kind of engagement is even more relevant today, as the fallout of Putin’s energy war is also hitting the region. Two weeks ago, I was in Sofia for the inauguration of a new gas interconnector with Greece. It will serve not only Bulgaria but also North Macedonia and Serbia. As the Western Balkans are asking for our support ahead of a difficult winter. This is the way to go – contrast foreign influence in Europe through more cooperation and a stronger European perspective. Ukraine and Moldova are now candidates to joining our Union. And today, we propose to grant candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina. We have recognised Georgia’s European perspective, too. The wind of change is once again blowing through Europe. Just like in the 1970s, when Spain, Portugal and Greece chose democracy. Or when freedom fighters tore down the Berlin Wall. Of course, it is up to candidate countries to reform their economies and their institutions, and advance towards our Union. But it is our responsibility to support them in every possible way. This is Europe’s moment. And it is up to us to seize this moment.
Dear Ambassadors,
Our neighbours face the same challenges we face. Russian aggression, energy insecurity, climate change and the threats to our open societies. There is an urgent need to work with all of them, including those who do not seek to join our Union. This is my third angle on how we can engage with different partners. This is actually what led to the first meeting of the European Political Community in Prague last week. 44 countries have come together with a common agenda. When it comes to European security, to the green and digital transitions, to defending our democratic way of life, we all share a common sense of purpose. And I was glad that our British friends also decided to join.
But let us not forget Europe’s broader neighbourhood. Take our trilateral energy deal closed in June with Egypt and Israel. It has played an important role in our strategy to get rid of Russian fossil fuels. But my visits to Cairo and Jerusalem were about more than gas. Because our goal remains to transition away from fossil fuels. And Mediterranean countries hold an immense potential for renewable energy. For instance, we have launched a new hydrogen partnership that looks very promising for both Europe and Egypt. And we are working in the same direction with other northern African countries, too. Europe can promote and accompany their transition from a fossil fuel economy towards a net-zero future. This is Europe’s offer to third countries, starting with our neighbours. It is based on our European interests and values. And it is designed to deliver long-lasting benefits to the countries that choose to do business with us.
Of course, it is not only about energy. In Cairo, I also announced that we will invest EUR 3 billion to improve food systems in the region. Millions of people in the Middle East and North Africa are now facing the consequences of Putin’s war on Ukrainian crops. It is to address this crisis that we created solidarity lanes for Ukrainian exports. Over 10 million tonnes of Ukrainian grain, oilseeds and other products have already been exported via our solidarity lanes. Today, over 60% of Ukraine’s food exports rely on the lanes, and 30% of Ukraine’s grain exports are going to low- and middle-income countries in Africa, the Middle-East and Asia. So let us set the record straight: Putin created the food crisis. And it is Europe that is working to end it.
But the Middle East and North Africa also face a long-term food security issue. Local agriculture needs to adapt to a changing climate, and modern technology offers a great number of solutions: from precision irrigation to vertical farming, to new crops adapted to climate change. And Europe can contribute with both investment and world-class expertise. We have set aside EUR 7.7 billion until 2024 for short- and long-term food security. Countries all across our region have an urgent need to transform their economies for the challenges of a new era. And our Union’s greatest strength has always been its transformative power – our capacity to promote economic and social progress through cooperation.
It is in this spirit that we must also step up our engagement in Central Asia. The region is a gateway between Europe, Russia and China. And it is going through an era of turbulent transformation. Some countries are pushing for reforms that seemed unthinkable just a few months ago. And they deserve all our political and economic support. This is the time to enhance our economic engagement in Central Asia and provide alternatives for the region to be connected to the global economy. I want Europe to be a partner for change in Central Asia. Because global geopolitics are changing. Tectonic plates are shifting. And in times like these, we must be ready to sail uncharted waters. We must engage beyond our immediate neighbourhood and the circle of our traditional allies. Only if we do this can we contribute to shaping the future of fast-changing regions and make a positive difference in the lives of millions.
This leads me to my fourth and final point on Europe’s global engagement. At the beginning of this year, I had the opportunity to visit Senegal and meet a group of young entrepreneurs. They told me about all the obstacles they face, and it was again amazing to see how much energy and talent this young generation of Africans has. And then I visited the national project for vaccine manufacturing, which we are financing through our Global Gateway investment programme. A place where Africa’s pharmaceutical independence is taking shape, with Europe’s support. It has been one year since we launched our Global Gateway investment programme. And since then, the demand for a strong and value-based infrastructure investment programme has only grown stronger. First, COVID-19 has highlighted the urgency of investing in resilient health systems, but also, for instance, in digital infrastructure. Second, more and more countries are dealing with the rise in energy and food prices. And third, a ‘Belt and Road’ debt crisis is now in full swing. Tens of countries are massively indebted with China. Eight of these countries – from Angola to Laos – will spend in 2022 more than 2% of their gross national income to pay their debt to China.
Our Global Gateway is about giving countries a better choice. Global Gateway’s investments will be sustainable, not only for our partners’ finances but also for the environment and for local communities. I mentioned our investment in vaccine manufacturing in Africa that we are now extending to Latin America. But there is so much more. For instance, we are financing new energy and transport corridors in Africa. We will invest in clean power generation, in the electrification of rural areas, and in connections between landlocked regions and big cities on the coast. Or take the Asia-Pacific, where the footprint of Chinese investment is massive. A good example is our new Just Transition Partnerships with Vietnam, which aims to accelerate the transition from coal to renewables. And we are supporting the Pacific state of Kiribati to build a new harbour that will bring new opportunities to one of its islands while respecting its fragile environment. Global Gateway is the opportunity to end unhealthy dependencies and to invest in partnerships of equals instead.
And this is where your role as Ambassadors and that of our Delegations is so crucial. You are Europe’s ear to the ground. Europe needs you to identify ideas and projects that can make a real difference for our partner countries. And you are in a unique position to bring together our Member States to focus on common strategic priorities. Because as Team Europe, we have the size and the financial firepower to bring about real change on the ground. We must do more together. More than ever before, Europe’s fate depends on our global outreach. The war in Ukraine will be decided first and foremost by Ukraine’s brave fighters in Kherson, in Kharkiv and all along the frontline, but also by our global response to Russia’s aggression. We need all continents to rise up in defence of the rules-based order. Because the rules-based order belongs to all nations in the world. The war in Ukraine is not only a European war. It is a war for the future of the entire world. So Europe’s horizon can only be the entire world. And I truly count on you to keep up the good work, and to bring our voice and our values to all corners of the world. Let me wish you a very good Conference here in Brussels. And many thanks for your tireless and excellent work.
Long live Europe.