Secretary-General, dear Stefano,
Ambassadors,
Dear Heads of Representation, Heads of Mission,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am so glad for this opportunity to exchange with you again and to be able to thank you in person for the work that you do across the world. It is now four years ago that I first had the chance to speak to you when this Commission took office. Back then we spoke of the changing nature of politics and geopolitics. And of the instabilities and risks that lay ahead of us. Much has happened since then that was unthinkable or unpredictable. The world is in many ways an irreversibly different place than it was then. Conflicts are multiplying around our borders. Ukraine. Gaza. The Caucasus. The Sahel. The horrors of these wars are appalling. The pain suffered by innocent civilians shakes the conscience of the world. And all of this is happening against the backdrop of huge transformations. Such as the devastating impact of climate change. Or the rise of new technologies that could redefine not only our economies, but our societies and our security.
These times of conflict and change call for Europe to be even more engaged on the global stage. The size and scale of today’s events require that we act and think strategically. Even and especially when the fog of war is thick, and emotions run high. Our times require that our Union makes full use of its foreign policy potential, ranging from traditional diplomacy to trade, to aid and to investments. These are the principles that have driven us so far. Engagement. Strategic thinking. And unity of action.
Today, I would like to focus on three of the most strategic and consequential issues we are currently facing. Ukraine, the Middle East and China. I will be happy to address other questions in the Q&A.
Let me start with Ukraine. I was there over the weekend. The message that I heard from everyone in Kyiv is crystal clear. The people of Ukraine are longing to join the EU. They believe in Europe. They trust Europe more than ever before. This is because an entire continent has mobilised in support of Ukraine. But also because of the incredible work of the EU staff in the country. I want to pay tribute to them, and take the opportunity to pay tribute to all EU staff across the world. During my mandate, I visited 37 countries outside the EU. And I saw it by my own eyes. I listened to your reports. I learnt from you the latest developments on the ground. I want to thank you for your tireless service. You are indeed in the best sense, representing our European Union.
Back to Ukraine. Russia’s brutal war lasts more than 600 days. On Saturday I spoke in the Verkhovna Rada and what I felt was: yes, 600 days of war and bloodshed are exhausting. But President Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian people are as determined as on the first day. And they tell me: look at what we have achieved. Putin has failed on all his strategic objectives. His main goal was regime change. He wanted to overthrow the government in Kyiv. But not only has his offensive on the capital failed. Ukraine’s government is standing strong, bolstered by internal and international support. The Rada, the Ukrainian Parliament, is adopting far-reaching reforms that many had deemed impossible before the war. And Ukraine is moving with ambition and determination on its path towards the European Union.
They tell me, today more than ever before, we are the masters of our own future. And they are right. Russia wanted to erase Ukraine’s national identity. Instead, the war has forged Ukraine’s identity stronger than ever. Russia wanted to weaken NATO. Instead, NATO is revitalised with two new allies, and defence spending rising across Europe. Russia’s army has lost half of its conventional equipment and sacrificed over 100,000 of their young men. Russian mercenaries have turned against their masters. Or think of the once feared Russian Black Sea fleet. Today, thanks to the brave acts of the Ukrainians it has retreated from blocking Odessa. And there are countless more examples. So even if the situation on the ground is now evolving slowly, one thing is clear: because of Ukraine’s resolve, and because of our unwavering support, this war will remain a strategic failure for the Kremlin.
But we also know that Putin’s failure will not automatically translate into Ukraine’s victory. As the war drags on, and as we continue to cater for the daily needs of Ukrainians, we must also try to focus on the way forward, and on what it means to support Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’. I would like to suggest three main objectives that we must pursue.
First, our objective must continue to be a just and lasting peace, not another frozen conflict. No one wants peace more than the Ukrainians. The main pathway to achieve this is President Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula. That is why, we, the Commission, participated in all three meetings of National Security Advisers. Copenhagen, Jeddah and Malta. More than 60 representatives are working hard to prepare a future Ukraine Peace Summit. So let me ask all of you to keep on engaging to gather more and more support for the Peace Formula from countries across the world. The whole world would benefit from a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.
Second, Ukraine needs long-term security. We have to ensure a sustainable military force capable of defending Ukraine now and deterring Russian aggression in the future. So that history does not repeat itself. This has strong implications for our defence industry. We must step up our production capacities. This is what we are doing with ASAP, the Act in Support of Ammunition Production. But we must also look beyond ammunition – at air defence, maritime, space and cyber. These capabilities are European by nature. They require European cooperation, not only on research and development, but also on the industrial front. We have to ensure that no industrial bottleneck prevents us from protecting Europe, and giving our full support to Ukraine. It is a window of opportunity now, to take more decisive steps towards a European Defence Union.
Third, the best way to give Ukraine stability and prosperity in the mid and long term is Membership in the European Union. To make Ukraine recover – Europe is the answer. To strengthen Ukraine’s democracy even further – Europe is the answer. To protect Ukraine from future interferences – Europe is again the answer. And the reverse is also true: In a world where size and weight matter, it is clearly in Europe’s geostrategic interest to complete our Union. With over 500 million people living in a free, democratic and prosperous Union. History is calling again – and Excellencies, it is for our generation to answer this call.
Dear Ambassadors,
This leads me to my second point, on Israel and Gaza. There is no justification for the horror that Hamas unleashed against innocent men, women, children and babies on 7 October. In the wake of the worst mass murder of Jews since the Holocaust, it is our moral duty to demonstrate our full solidarity with the people of Israel. Israel has the right to defend itself, in line with international law and international humanitarian law. This is and continues to be the essential starting point. And this is also what gives us the credibility to discuss Israel’s response to Hamas’ terror. But also to come forward with ideas about a much needed political solution, building on our legacy as champions of the two-state solution. And that is why it was necessary and appropriate for so many European Leaders to visit Israel in the wake of the terrorist attack.
Supporting Israel is essential. Aiding civilians in Gaza is essential too. The humanitarian situation is dire. The death toll and the suffering of Palestinian civilians is tragic. And as policymakers we face a dreadful dilemma. Israel has the right to defend itself while Hamas bunkers, hides fighters and stores weapons below refugee camps and civilian infrastructure. Hamas is clearly using innocent Palestinians and hostages as human shields. It is horrific. It is pure evil. And our hearts bleed at the images of small children pulled out from under the rubble. All of us, as democracies and as human beings, have a responsibility to do everything possible to protect civilians who are caught in harm’s way. So, while Israel has the right to fight Hamas, it is also essential that it strives to avoid civilian casualties, and to be as targeted as possible. Because every human life matters, be it Israeli or Palestinian. And this is central to our diplomatic outreach in these days and weeks.
We are currently focusing our efforts on three main directions. First, on humanitarian support. Two weeks ago, we had already tripled our aid to Gaza. Today, I can announce that we are further increasing the humanitarian aid to Gaza by another EUR 25 million. By doing so, the European Union would spend a total of EUR 100 million in humanitarian aid for civilians in Gaza. At the same time, we are working with Israel, Egypt, and the United Nations, to let more convoys into Gaza, including through corridors and pauses for humanitarian needs. Aid is now entering through the Rafah border crossing. But the volumes remain too small to match the massive humanitarian needs in Gaza. Our priority is to work with partners to reinforce Rafah’s logistic capacities. At the same time, we are working on complementary routes. A maritime corridor from Cyprus, that would guarantee a sustained, regulated and robust flow of aid. I very much welcome the excellent cooperation with President Nikos Christodoulides and his government. Our Union is the largest humanitarian donor to Gaza and we will keep pushing for our aid to reach civilians in need. This can make the difference between life and death for thousands of Palestinians. And we will continue our efforts to help evacuate EU citizens and injured Palestinians.
Second, on hostages. Member States are leading the efforts to bring all hostages to safety. This is one of the greatest hostage crises in Europe’s history, and also for many non-European countries. All of them must make it home to their loved ones. And we will support Member States in every possible way. Every single hostage matters. Their captors should free them, and free them now.
Third, we must do everything in our power to avoid a regional conflict. The risk of a spill-over is real. But an escalation is not inevitable. It will require joint efforts and joint visions for the future by the US, the EU, Arab countries, the UN and others to achieve this. Today, I would like to thank especially those of you who are posted to the region, for your tireless work to contain the escalation. It is going to be hard. That is why we need all your support to find a way forward. This outreach to regional capitals will be even more important in the coming weeks.
Tomorrow, I will welcome King Abdullah of Jordan to Brussels, to offer all our support to his country. And yesterday I spoke to President al-Sisi to exchange on the situation and how we can support Egypt in these difficult times. And at the same time, the work on normalisation between Israel and its neighbours can and must continue. This rapprochement is not only historic, but it also brings economic prosperity to the region. Just two months ago we signed in Delhi the most ambitious project of our generation. The Europe-Middle East-India Economic Corridor. It will be the most direct connection to date between Europe, Israel, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates and India. Rail, data, electricity and green hydrogen. These are state-of-the-art connections for the world of tomorrow. It is not only a fascinating economic bridge. It is also a bridge between people, cultures and civilizations. And it brings along new connections, new friendships, and a common perspective for a troubled region.
Millions of people all across the world, feel that the Middle East is stuck in a spiral of endless conflict. Where violence only leads to more violence. But this does not have to be the case.
As we deal with the urgency of today, we must also make the effort to think about tomorrow. To imagine what a lasting peace may look like. To restore hope for Palestinians and Israelis. And for this, they need a perspective and that is the two-state-solution. In the end, Israelis and Palestinians have to agree on a way forward. But I believe, we as part of the international effort, must also contribute, by putting forward some basic principles for the day after the war, that could help find common ground. First of all, Gaza can be no safe haven for terrorists. We know what happened after the previous Gaza wars. Hamas immediately started rebuilding its arsenal, and preparing for the next conflict. This cannot be the case any longer. Different ideas are being discussed on how this can be ensured, including an international peace force under UN mandate.
Second, this implies that the terrorist organisation Hamas cannot control or govern Gaza. There should be only one Palestinian Authority, and one Palestinian State.
Third, there can be no long-term Israeli security presence in Gaza. Gaza is an essential part of any future Palestinian State.
Fourth, no forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza. This would only be a recipe for more regional instability.
And finally, no sustained blockade of Gaza. This policy has not worked. Hamas has continued to build up its arsenal, while the economy of Gaza has collapsed. 70% of young people in Gaza are jobless. And this can only lead to more radicalisation. Any future Palestinian State must be viable, also from an economic point of view. And Europe stands ready to work with all people and countries in the region to make it happen. All of this may look overly ambitious, as the war still rages on. But we must spare no effort to keep the hope alive. To find a lasting solution, based on two States, living side by side in peace and security. It is time for an international effort towards peace in the Middle East. And we will play our part.
Dear Ambassadors,
I started by saying that the conflicts in Europe, the Middle East or Africa should not mask the other challenges we face – whether linked to climate and digital, trade and economic security. In fact, this instability should make us focus our minds on the key relationships we have across the world. Our relationship with China is one of the most intricate and important anywhere in the world. And how we manage it will be a determining factor for our future economic prosperity and national security. In these turbulent times, there is a need for strategic stability in how we deal with China. We must get China right. We must recognise that there is an explicit element of rivalry in our relationship. The Chinese Communist Party’s clear goal is a systemic change of the international order, with China at its centre. We have seen it with China’s positions in multilateral bodies, which show its determination to promote an alternative vision of the world order.
But this rivalry can be constructive, not hostile. And this is why we need functioning channels of communication and high-level diplomacy. This is what I have called de-risking through diplomacy. And this is why we have invested in intensive dialogue with Beijing – from four High-Level Dialogues to the upcoming Summit in December. Cooperation with China on global issues is possible and is happening. We see it in the fight against climate change. There is room to define together common rules and solutions to challenges we all share. But working in the confines of the rules-based system also means respecting it across the board. For instance, the rules of the WTO matter as much as other multilateral rules, like the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. And today we must recognise that China’s views on the ‘global security architecture’ are not by default aligned with ours. Think about Ukraine. China says it upholds the UN Charter. But it does not distance itself, from Russia’s war of aggression. The way forward is to keep engaging with Beijing so that the support to Russia remains as limited as possible. But also to make clear that the way China positions itself on Russia’s war will define our mutual relationship.
The same is true for other theatres – which are increasingly linked. China states that it is impartial and favours peaceful solutions, while enabling and supporting some of the world’s most destabilising forces. And yet, China and Europe have a shared interest in stability in the Middle East. So every measure of influence that Beijing has on Hamas and on Iran needs to be used to prevent further escalation. And if we widen our lens, we are watching very closely the situation in the South China Sea. They affect not just our partners in the region, such as the Philippines but our own global interests. China’s actions impact our security, our sovereignty and our prosperity. And we have to be very frank on this, as a foundation for a constructive relationship.
We must also be clear-eyed on how China’s global posture is changing. We see a strong push to make China less dependent on the world, and the world more dependent on China. Geopolitics and geoeconomics cannot be seen as separate anymore. By now China is our most important trading partner in terms of goods. But at the same time, concerns about unfair and at times predatory practices distorting our market are rising. For instance, China has often resorted to trade coercion, boycotts of European goods, and export controls on critical raw materials. This shows that while we do not want to de-couple from China, we do need to de-risk parts of our relationship. ‘De-risk, but not decouple’ is by now a strategy accepted by all major Western partners.
Part of the work has to happen here in Europe. And we have already come a long way. Think about our new trade defence instruments. Or our investigation on Chinese EVs. But the global dimension of de-risking is just as important. Our approach has found broad support from key partners. From Japan to Canada, from the United States to Australia. And countries all around the world want to work with Europe. Some of them are also overly dependent on a single country for essential supply chains. They care about their own economic security, just like us. Others want to develop local industries for processing and refining, instead of just shipping their resources abroad. They care about their economic sovereignty. And Europe’s offer is truly unique with clear and transparent benefits for both sides. This is the heart of Global Gateway, our new way to partner with third countries.
At the recent Global Gateway Forum, for instance, we have signed a number of impressive new projects across the world. Take the Trans-African Corridor. It will not only connect landlocked regions in the DRC and Zambia to global markets, but also invest in local value chains, and in skills for the local workforce. Or take our investment roadmap with Namibia, to develop a local industry for green hydrogen and critical raw materials. Our business plan is so attractive that countries from Colombia to Kazakhstan, from Mauritania to Vietnam, are working with us on similar projects. These are all investments in prosperity for our partners, as well as in Europe’s economic security. As Team Europe, we have the size and the financial firepower to bring about real change. And we are finally making use of our massive economic assets in a much more strategic way.
Dear Ambassadors,
Whether we face a rogue Russia, a boiling Middle East or a fragmented global economy, the core of Europe’s response must stay the same. We need to act together, aligning our interests and our values. Because what happens to democracy and freedom, peace and security, in one part of the world directly affects the lives of Europeans here in our Union. We have a lot we can draw on. Europe’s greatest strength lies in the diversity of the assets we can mobilise. From aid to trade, from sanctions to investments. And you, dear Ambassadors, play a central and crucial role. Our Delegations are the hubs of our external action. In a world where size and weight matter, we must put the full force of our Union at the service of peace, security and prosperity.
Let me thank you all for your dedicated service to our Union. And let me wish you a very good Ambassadors week here in Brussels.
Thank you.